Syrian Army Attacks Palmyra (Multiple Updates)

Reported by Agence France-Presse. Translated by Now Lebanon. Only now making its way into the world news*

Wednesday, March 7, 2012 | 18:16 Beirut

TOP OF THE NEWS

Syria's ancient desert city of Palmyra besieged

February 19, 2012

The Syrian army has been laying siege to the ancient city of Palmyra, a world heritage site, since early February and shooting at anything that moves from a historic citadel, residents say.

"Palmyra is surrounded by the army from all fronts: the Arab citadel, the olive and palm tree groves, the desert, the city," one resident told AFP by telephone, adding that the operation began on February 4.

Security forces have set up camp in the citadel which overlooks the Roman ruins and the city of some 60,000 people, said the resident who asked not to be identified for fear of reprisals.

"Machinegun fire rains down from the citadel at anything that moves in the ruins because they think it is rebels," he added.

Palmyra's pristine Roman ruins set off by dramatic desert sunrises and sunsets have earned it the status of a UNESCO protected world heritage site.

Residents report the army has set up camp in this historic citadel that overlooks the city

It was a key tourist attraction in Syria before unrest against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad erupted 11 months ago. Human rights groups say more than 6,000 people have been killed in the country since mid-March last year.

Other Palmyra residents told AFP said that hundreds of people have fled the city for safety after reports emerged that several local figures have been killed by regime forces.

Adnan al-Kabir, whose family owns the Al-Waha (Oasis) Hotel in the heart of the city, was among three civilians killed by the army, three different sources told AFP.

A YouTube video shows Kabir with a wound to the head apparently caused by gunfire. Friends who knew him identified Kabir in interviews with AFP.

"The majority of the young men have left or are trying to leave, fearing detention. Only elders and state employees stayed behind," said another resident who managed to sneak out of Palmyra.

Women and girls have been spirited off to safer locations for fear they would be raped by "soldiers who hold nothing sacred," he said, speaking from a neighbouring country.

Although communications with Palmyra were severed at the start of the campaign, those residents who have managed to get out spoke of daily machinegun and tank fire.

Hundreds of people have fled from the desert city that carved its place in the history books as a caravan stop on the ancient Silk Road and as the home of legendary Queen Zenobia who defied Rome in the third century AD.

"People related and unrelated to rebels are fleeing because security forces are detaining people at random," said one resident who fled to neighbouring Jordan.

He said he saw tanks and checkpoints all around the city.

Security forces have also set up checkpoints within Palmyra itself, stopping traffic at gunpoint, checking cars and detaining men between the age of 20 and 40, said another resident who escaped from the city.

"Many people have disappeared, we don't know if they are dead or detained," said the 31-year-old who was able to get out after five days of siege.

Tanks were also deployed near the Roman ruins at the entrance to Palmyra - a desert city known as Tadmur in Arabic.

According to residents, regime forces have destroyed and set ablaze several olive, palm and date groves using tank and machinegun fire.

"All our resources are concentrated in the gardens: our olives, our dates," said one resident who fled after security forces stormed and destroyed his garden.

"The gardens near the ruins were hit the hardest. People will have to plant again and wait for 10 years before they see a good season again," another man said.

Anti-regime activists, mostly loosely organised local youths, had been using the gardens as a meeting point, residents said.

Until this month Palmyra had been spared the deadly violence in the Assad regime's crackdown on dissent, according to activists.

"There was an unspoken understanding between authorities and residents that security forces would stay out of Palmyra if the city behaved," one resident said.

Residents say Palmyra's fate was decided after a Sunni general in charge of security in the region was replaced by an Alawite from Assad's community.

-AFP/NOW Lebanon

For live updates on the Syrian uprising, follow @NOW_Syria on Twitter or click here.

* Reported 5 March on the Global Heritage Fund blog (my thanks to Chuck Jones for bringing this dire news to my attention via Facebook).  Photo of citadel credit: Barbara Boranga via Global Heritage Fund. 

Updated 19 April 2012 

According to reports collected by 14 April, the UNESCO World Heritage site of Palmyra is threatened by:

1. The continuous movement of troops on and around the site ("le danger majeur que court le patrimoine mobilier ou immobilier de la cité caravanière de Palmyre, où d’incessants mouvements de troupes ont lieu selon les sources locales.")

2.  Tanks and heavy armour dug in near the funeral towers and troop barracks constructed near the Justinian's Walls.  ("La ville antique de Palmyre, dans les ruines antiques, notamment à proximité des tours funéraires de la nécropole, où des chars et de l'armement lourd ont été positionnés et des casernes construites, notamment près de la grande muraille.")

3.  Tanks and heavy armour deployed on the citadel ("Installation de chars et d'armes lourdes par l'armée syrienne dans des citadelles (position dominante), au fur et à mesure du déploiement des forces de répression.")

For which reasons, Palmyra is now listed as one of the Syrian sites facing serious damage and possible destruction of its monuments. 

Updated 29 May 2012

New Report on Damage to Syria’s Cultural Heritage

GHN member and Durham University PhD student Emma Cunliffe has prepared a comprehensive summary of the known damage to cultural heritage sites in Syria. Entitled Damage to the Soul:  Syria’s Cultural Heritage in Conflict, the report draws from a number of sources to present a picture of the destruction – from looting to shelling – that is afflicting cultural heritage sites as a result of the ongoing conflict in the country.

Extracted from this report:

According to an interview with Hiba al-Sakhel, Director of Museums in Syria (as reported by PAS84), the areas looted and damaged at Palmyra are: 

The Camp of Diocletian

The Valley of the tombs and the tombs of the Southwest and Southeast (passage-graves or underground tombs)

Triumphal arch and decumanus at colonnades

The areas of the defensive walls South and North

The edge of the temple of Bel

It has been suggested that at Palmyra government troops were involved, or at least complicit, as from their base in the ruins, any looting would theoretically have been visible to them, although this cannot be verified. 

Updated 4 August 2012

Soldier’s video reignites fears of looting at World Heritage Site

 

According to France 24 International News,this video was uploaded by Abdellah al-Tadmoury, the director of the opposition’s communications centre in Palmyra. Abroad.

Al-Tadmoury told us that, last week, a soldier deserting from the army gave him his phone’s memory card just before leaving town with some rebels from the Free Syrian Army. The man, he said, barely had the time to specify that his memory card contained images from his brigade in Palmyra. FRANCE 24 was given several of these videos. On one of these, a brigade from the regular army is shown patrolling the Palmyra archaeological site. Another video features the same group of armed soldiers breaking into a house. And then there was this video, where uniformed men manhandle what appear to be rare archaeological artefacts.

After analysing these images, a FRANCE 24 journalist from Syria concluded that these men are probably soldiers from the regular Syrian army, as they repeatedly use the term of respect “Sidi.” This is used in the Syrian army to address one’s superiors. In contrast, in the Free Syrian Army, the combatants call each other “brother” or “comrade.”

See the full report on France24 in English,  French, or Arabic.
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Hatshepsut in 'The Terrace of the Great God'

Death and rebirth in an Egyptian holy place

The temples and tombs of Abydos made the town one of the holiest sites in the ancient Egyptian world. At its heart was 'The Terrace of the Great God' and the magnificent temple of Osiris, god of the underworld.*  Somewhere nearby, under its desolate western hills, was also the gateway into the realm of the dead.

What more could a dead pharaoh want? 

Abydos had been a sacred site and burial place since Egypt's earliest history. The kings of the very First Dynasty had their tombs here.  The god Osiris himself (or at least his head) was buried there and this tomb, too, was the centre of pilgrimage.  The surrounding low hills offered luxury real estate for the dead: who wouldn't want to be buried in close proximity to the god who ensured eternal life?  Huge cemetery fields were filled with tombs of generations of ancient Egyptians, from the most humble local residents to high officials of the royal court.

Osiris resurrected

Every year, a festival of Osiris took place in the sacred landscape.  It began with a great procession in which they lamented the god's death at the hands of his perfidious brother, Seth.  Priests carried a statue of the (dead) god along a processional route from his temple to his supposed tomb.  Five days later, a new (living) image of the reborn god was carried to the temple to great fanfare: 

I would be among the crowd following Osiris when he appears in his final form, praising the god and singing in adoration ... and honouring the Great God

These processions were so popular that Egyptians, both royal and private, built chapels lining the route so that they could take part in the event for eternity. 

New Excavations at the 'Terrace of the Great God'

Just to the  west of the massive mudbrick wall that surrounds the still well-preserved Osiris Temple lies what is now called 'the North Abydos Votive Zone' site. This zone constitutes a transition between the cult buildings and settlement.  Beyond both lie the vast cemeteries stretching out toward the royal acropolis of Egypt's first pharaohs (one of whose tombs was imagined to be where Osiris was buried) and the high desert cliffs nearly a kilometre (2/3 mile) away.

Last year, a team of archaeologists led by Mary-Ann Pouls Wegner of the University of Toronto discovered a cache of animal mummies and human remains tightly packed inside the ruins of a 'monumental building'.  The walls of this building are two metres (6') thick and the design suggests a religious purpose, perhaps a small temple.

The dozens of animals mummies (mostly dogs, but two cats, too) had been thrown there at some time in the building's long history. They had probably been sacrificed to the jackal god Wepwawet, whose procession immediately preceded that of Osiris.  Prof. Pouls Wegner explained that people visiting the temple probably offered a sacrificed dog to this god: "I think this is just another form of votive activity really, in addition to putting out a spoken prayer or commemorating prayer on a stele, that one could sacrifice an animal that was associated with him in some way."

Tough on the dogs, but it's worth a couple of hounds in exchange for eternal life.


The "Perfect Goddess"

Dog-sacrifice is all very well, but what really excited my interest on 'The Terrace of the Great God' was the wooden statue of a pharaoh (right) that the team found in an adjoining chamber of the same building:  65 cm (25") high, it was covered with mud and termite droppings. Though badly decayed, the figure is clearly wearing a Nemes striped headcloth, the mark of a pharaoh. "There are very few royal wooden statues left," as  Pouls Wegner noted.

The statue's proportions match up with those of statues dating from the early 18th dynasty (ca. 1550-1330 BCE). Except for one crucial difference: this statue's waist is significantly thinner than what is expected of a 'normal' pharaoh.

This brought up an intriguing question: could this statue be a representation of Hatshepsut, the female pharaoh who ruled Egypt about 3,500 years ago (r. 1479-1458 BCE)? 

No wooden statues of Hatshepsut are known to exist, so Pouls Wegner examined large stone statues of her.  "Even though she was portrayed as a man in her [statues], oftentimes they did give a nod to her female physique by making her waist narrower," she said. "In addition the contours of her cheeks and chin are sometimes depicted as being a little more delicate." 


Compare, for example, the painted limestone statue of Hatshepsut seated on her throne (left).  This life-size image shows the female pharaoh wearing her Nemes cloth and dressed in the ceremonial attire of an Egyptian king.  In spite of the masculine dress, the statue has a distinctly feminine air -- and an especially narrow waist -- unlike most other representations of Hatshepsut as ruler. This, plus the feminine form of her kingly titles, including "The Perfect Goddess",** suggests (at least to me) that this statue was carved early in her sole reign [On the gradual transformation of Hatshepsut from regent to ruling pharaoh, see the post, How 'God's Wife Hatshepsut' became 'The Good Goddess Maatkare'].

Could this new wooden statue also be of her?

Admirably cautious, Pouls Wegner says, "I think it's possible." 

I'll take that as a qualified 'Yes'.

In that case, it might equally be a product of her early days as pharaoh, before she switched to a purely masculine form (and masculine titles).  Given its size and light-weight material, the statue may well have been carried in the Osiris procession, not at the head of the line -- that was the god's place -- but right behind.

I can imagine the excitement when she saw the light again after 3,500 years. Reborn, as promised.



* Temples dedicated to Osiris existed at Abydos from at least the 6th Dynasty.  The existing great temple, remarkably well preserved, was begun during the reign of the 19th Dynasty Pharaoh Seti I (1318-1304 BC) and completed by his son Ramses II (1304-1237 BC).

** Her kingly titles on the sides of the throne are feminized to read "the Perfect Goddess, Lady of the Two Lands (Upper and Lower Egypt)" and "Bodily Daughter of Re (the sun god)."

Illustrations

Top: Relief from Temple of Seti I,19th Dynasty:the deceased Osiris lying on a funerary bed, with Isis shown as a hawk hovering over him, at the moment of the conception of their son Horus. Photo credit Zangaki No. 619 Abydos Interieur du temple, via SCHOLARS, SCOUNDRELS, AND THE SPHINX: A Photographic and Archaeological Adventure Up the Nile, presented courtesy of Frank H. McClung Museum, The University of Tennessee.

Middle above: dogs whose mummy wrappings have fallen off.  Middle below:Royal wooden statue from the monumental building.  Photo credit (both): courtesy North Abydos Votive Zone Project

Bottom: Seated statue of Hatshepsut, Metropolitan Museum of Art 29.3.2.  Photo credit: Rogers Fund, 1929.
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The Ultimate Empress of Rome

My review of Galla Placidia: The Last Roman Empress appeared today in the Times Higher Education. 

Here's what I wrote:

Galla Placidia: The Last Roman Empress

16 February 2012

All roads lead to Ravenna

Judith Weingarten is fascinated by the woman who, amid decline and fall, ruled an empire for 12 years

The story of Galla Placidia (c.AD390-450) certainly starts with a bang: a young princess - granddaughter and daughter of Roman emperors, sister of the Western emperor then ruling at Ravenna, and aunt of the reigning emperor at Constantinople - is living in Rome at the time of its siege and sack by the Goths in 410. Galla is taken hostage, wanders with the Goths for three years, marries the Gothic king Athaulf in Narbonne and moves with the barbarians to Barcelona. When Athaulf is murdered, the next elected king trades her back to the Romans in exchange for grain; she marries (perhaps unwillingly) Constantius, the Roman general who had been clamouring for her release. And she isn't yet 25 years old.

It isn't Hagith Sivan's fault that this marvellous story is known only in sketchiest form and from meagre sources. She does her best to flesh it out by borrowing texts from 100 years earlier or later on the reasonable assumption that a woman of Galla's class and upbringing would receive praise or condemnation within the invariable limits of a woman's life: virginity, marriage, childbearing and - if she survived - blameless widowhood. The coming of Christianity (and Galla was strictly orthodox in her Christian faith) changed the words but not the metaphors used for women. Still, I can't help wondering who Sivan is writing for. It's hard to imagine anyone picking up this book who needs Gaul to be glossed as "(now France)", "the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar)" or "Ostia (port of Rome)" while leaving terms such as aedicule and epithalamium unexplained. If you don't understand the gloss "Arian (or homoian)", this may not be the book for you.

The chapters are often oddly disorganised. Stories are begun and left hanging. For example, it is implied that Galla's husband Constantius became co-emperor with Honorius, her brother, long before this is made explicit - and only then because they jointly proclaimed Galla as Augusta in 421. Poor Constantius died a few months later "in the midst of preparing an expedition against his new relatives in the east" - a campaign that bobs up out of nowhere. Earlier, when Galla had intervened in a disputed papal election (419-20), synods were convoked to decide between the claimants, Eulalius and Boniface. Two letters sent to bishops are attributed to Galla's hand, a rare case where we hear a woman's voice, however stereotyped the language. Although footnotes tell us that she supported Boniface, her letters are guardedly neutral. We never directly learn who won the holy office (I guessed Boniface, since later popes have that name, whereas there were no popes named Eulalius). The author's other habit is that of dropping a name into an event before the person is introduced. Soon after the papal schism, for example, we find Boniface fighting the Vandals in Libya. What? The pope leading a Roman army? The index reveals another Boniface entirely, a Roman general.

This general, as it happens, was one of Galla's champions. When Honorius died suddenly in 423, John, a notary (of whom we've previously heard nothing) was raised to the throne. Galla fled with her two children to Constantinople, returning two years later with an Eastern army, and her son, the six-year-old Valentinian, was proclaimed emperor. Galla, as regent, was now de facto ruler of the Western empire. Her 12-year regency was remembered as a period of peace, although it is a judgement hard to square with fairly continuous wars and civil mayhem. Britain was lost, as was most of Libya (to the Vandals), southwest Gaul (Goths) and northwest Spain (the Sueves). Self-inflicted damage included Boniface, now commander of the Western armies, who fought a battle near Rimini in 432 against his chief rival, the Roman general Aetius, winning the battle but losing his life. Mortally wounded, Boniface inexplicably urged his wife (Pelagia, a Gothic princess) to marry Aetius. Aetius enjoyed Boniface's wife and property until 454, when Valentinian III threw a spear at him; frustratingly, we're not told if it hit the target, but Valentinian certainly murdered him that year, whether having personally skewered him or otherwise. A year later, Valentinian was slain by Petronius Maximus, a senator, who seized both the throne and the emperor's wife, Augusta Licinia Eudoxia, daughter of Theodosius II, the senior (Eastern) emperor. After two months, Licinia revenged herself by inviting Geiseric the Vandal from Libya to sack Rome - "a perfect literary paradigm", as Sivan says, "to account for the end of an era". Licinia outlived Galla by at least five years so she, not Galla, is "The Last Roman Empress". Still, Galla has the splendid mausoleum in Ravenna to her eternal credit. If I were Galla, I wouldn't complain. The end was already nigh.

Galla Placidia: The Last Roman Empress

By Hagith Sivan

Oxford University Press 256pp, £65.00 and £17.99

ISBN 9780195379129 and 9136

Published 15 September 2011

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How to Feed a Pregnant Neanderthal

200,000 years of eating for two.

It's hard to imagine what 200,000 years means in human lifetimes but, between ca. 250,000 and 40,000 years ago, the only human beings living in Europe were Neanderthals.  From the Ukraine across to southern Spain, this land was their land.  Then, in an archaeological flash, ca. 28,000 BP (Before Present), the world had utterly changed.  Populations of anatomically modern Homo sapiens were everywhere on the continent -- and the Neanderthals had entirely disappeared.

What happened?

One answer may simply be the consequence of different rates of fertility and mother-and-child mortality between Neanderthals and Anatomically Modern Homo sapiens (AMHS).  While many factors are involved, it now seems we can point an accusing finger at defects in Neanderthal nutrition.  What a mother-to-be eats has possibly the greatest impact on both her survival and her fetus, as well as, of course, on the new-born and infant child later feeding at her breast. 

What was the daily diet for a pregnant Neanderthal woman?  Or, to put it personally, what was Wilma eating (above, read about Wilma here) when she had a bun in her oven?

Hunter-Gatherer Calories

Producing and breast-feeding offspring requires an awful lot of energy, especially in large-brained species like Neanderthals and Homo sapiens.  Even more so when, like recent hunter-gatherers, you're physically active most of the time. When translated into calories, healthy gestation in such circumstances requires the mama-to-be to eat an extra 1750 calories per day (whereas a pregnant woman in cushy modern Europe needs only 300 extra daily calories).  Neanderthal pregnant women required much, much more: their  average daily caloric intake was hugely above even what is needed by modern human foragers. 

So how did Wilma cope with that?

She went on hunting, I'm afraid.

A new study tells us that she was eating too much of the wrong kinds of food:*

... from the perspective of a modern fast food diet, a pregnant Neanderthal women would need to eat 10 large burgers per day (or three in the morning, three at mid-day, and four in the evening).

Wilma had to consume a whopping 5,500 calories each day.  That is an enormous quantity to supply, especially for a hunter-gatherer, and very much more than was needed by the anatomically modern Homo sapiens then making their way into Europe. The difference is due to such factors as the Neanderthal's more robust and massively muscular body, higher metabolic rates, less efficient body-temperature regulation, a lifestyle of constantly pursuing large game animals in close-range encounters, and reduced sexual division of labour.

Would Wilma have been better off staying in the cave, sewing warm clothing, than going out hunting like a lioness?

For a quarter of a million years, Neanderthals -- men and women -- were highly effective hunters.  Throughout this enormous period of time, the next meal depended on killing large to medium-sized land animals (red deer, ibex, roe deer, wild boar, tahr, and chamois, together with larger game such as bison, horse, rhino, and elephant).  Most of the time, Neanderthals would probably have enjoyed adequate calorie and protein intake.  Their highly carnivorous diet, however, lacked adequate intake of micronutrients such as vitamins A, C, and E, which means that many Neanderthal women probably had high incidences of abortions, miscarriages, and stillbirths resulting in high fetal-to-infant mortality.

This means that no matter what land mammals they would have hunted, Neanderthals would still have not been able to get the micronutrients to stay alive, especially with the metabolic needs of a pregnant Neanderthal.

This was clearly not a winning strategy, but Neanderthals weren't stupid: we have plenty of archaeological indications that they also routinely consumed other kinds of foods (plants, shellfish, and even sea mammals** -- all of which are rich in various essential nutrients not found in terrestrial mammals) when these were available.  Given the cold environments of Pleistocene Europe before ca. 40,000-30,000 BP, the Neanderthals were probably doing the best they could.  And that was good enough as long as the competition consisted of non-human predators such as wolves, lions, and hyenas. 

It's the Demographic Payoff that counts.  

Virtual reconstruction of Neanderthal child skeletons
left: age 1 week; right age 19 months

In a nutshell, the Neanderthals may have been doomed by their subsistence strategy when they were simultaneously confronted with a warming climate and the newly arriving Anatomically Modern Homo sapiens.  Compared to the wider range of foods consumed by AMHS, yummy Neanderthal meals of mammal meat and organs didn't look so good.  Humans need more than just calories to thrive, and none more so than pregnant women and lactating mothers, and their newborn and infants.  Regardless of the protein and fat provided, the Neanderthal diet was inferior to the more diverse, greener diets of the AMHS, especially in the essential micronutrients that decrease maternal and fetus-to-infant mortality, as well as increase average life expectancy.  The proof of the pudding is that fewer people would be added to the breeding stock in succeeding generations.  Healthier, longer-living AMHS populations would thus, sooner or later, swamp the Neanderthals.

Neanderthals either did not or could not initiate the lifestyle changes that would have allowed them to compete demographically with the newcomers.  So, our ancestors certainly weren't stronger and maybe not even smarter than Neanderthals; just hungrier.

Still, Wilma's not to blame for misjudging the effects of climate change.  And a reign of a quarter of a million years in Europe is nothing to sneeze at.  We should be so lucky.



* Bryan Hockett, 'The consequences of Middle Paleolithic diets on pregnant Neanderthal women', Quaternary International, 19 July 2011 (abstract available at ScienceDirect). I am especially grateful to Julien Riel-Salvatore, blogging at A Very Remote Period Indeed, for alerting me to this paper and for his incisive discussion of its significance.  Other sources include B. Hockett & J.A. Haws, 'Nutritional ecology and the human demography of
Neandertal extinction', Quaternary International 137 (2005) 21–34; available online; A.W. Froehle & S.E. Churchill, 'Energetic Competition Between Neandertals and Anatomically Modern Humans' PaleoAnthropology 112, 2009.

** On plants in their diet, see 'The Raw and the Cooked: Caveman Redux'; shellfish, see 'Neanderthals Shellfishing 150,000 years ago', and 'Shellfish gathering, paleoanthropologicalstrawman'; sea mammals: Modern Is As Modern Does?'.

Illustrations

Above left: Wilma, a Neanderthal reconstruction based on both fossil anatomy and ancient DNA. Reconstruction by Kennis and Kennis, photo credit: Joe McNalley.  Via National Geographic website.

Centre: Wilma, dressed-up for summer hunting.  Credits as above.

Below left: from 'Childbirth was already difficult for the Neanderthals'. Photo credit: University of Zurich, via Science Centric News, 9 Sept. 2008.
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Four Passive Imperial Goddesses

Ulpia Marciana

In the early second century CE, the emperors Trajan (r. 98-117) and Hadrian (r. 117-138) made four extraordinary deifications of their imperial women. Trajan started the ball rolling by deifying his beloved sister, Ulpia Marciana (left) immediately after she died in 112. Hadrian, when it was his turn, became a serial deifier.  In 119, he made a goddess of Marciana’s daughter, Matidia (who was the mother of his wife), in what must have been, even then, a very rare tribute to a mother-in-law.  Next in line for goddess rank was Pompeia Plotina, the dowager empress of the emperor Trajan, raised to the heavens soon after her death in 123.  And, some years later, he gave goddess-hood to  his own recently deceased wife, Vibia Sabina who died in 136 or 137 -- a little more than a year before her husband.

None of these women is much remembered in historical records.  In fact, you'd be hard put to find a more obscure group of imperial Roman women in any equivalent period when sources are so (relatively) rich.

Does that mean that they became goddesses despite having done nothing of note?

Well, that depends.

First off, what does deification mean?  Did anyone really believe that these women were divine; or was this merely the natural bunch of honours handed out to members of the imperial family?  How important (or unimportant) was each individual woman to the emperors -- and, for that matter, to those who became their priestesses and worshipped them -- at least in public?

One diva after another

Vibia Sabina

A diva (a mortal woman who was declared a goddess) was different from and on a lower level than a dea (a traditional goddess), but she was nonetheless divine and immeasurably higher in ranking than any normal ex-human being.  Officially consecrated by the earthly Senate, that was enough to transform her into a deity, and, most important, into a power capable of hearing and answering prayers.  For that reason, priests and priestesses of the Imperial cult had no qualms about offering sacrifices to deified emperors and empresses just as they would do to any other divinity.  

The worship of divae, as far as we can tell, did not differ much from the worship of divi (deified emperors).  Their images were also divine in their own right, but, since women did not run the Empire, they were portrayed as more passive deities.  The four new divae of the Trajanic family were models of Roman womanhood, possessing the moral worthiness and exemplary qualities that made them most helpful to their husbands or brothers.  In a sense, they became the personified virtues of social propriety, modesty, piety, and loyalty.

So, were the four divae simply part of an elaborate system of sucking-up to the Imperial family, or was there something in their relationship with the people that remains difficult for us to understand?

Only two of the women were empresses — Pompeia Plotina (60s?-123), Trajan’s wife, and Vibia Sabina (85?-136/7), wife of his successor.  The other two were lesser members of the imperial household — Trajan’s sister, Ulpia Marciana (48-112) and her daughter, later Hadrian’s mother-in-law, Salonia Matidia (68-119). 

The question is 'why'?

Why were these quiet women deified (or any imperial women, for that matter)?  Denied the pursuit of any sort of public career, and barred from membership in Rome’s assemblies, women played no official part in public life.  Their power was derived solely from their relationship to powerful men.

Therein lies the rub.  

In a new dissertation, Karin S. Tate (University of Saskatchewan)*, explains what she thinks happened in the imperial family early in the second century:

Under an imperial system, the family of the leading man — women included — was inevitably cast into the public eye, and shared to some extent the same bright light that shone on the pre-eminent man. Female members of the imperial house therefore possessed an exponentially greater potential for influence on the public sphere, enormous social prestige, and a public presence that was so apparent, and implied so much, that it could not be ignored. (35)

the empress Plotina

In a nutshell, the Romans found that they needed to explain the public omni-presence of women in a way that did not violate the hierarchical and patriarchal assumptions of elite Romans.  Raising imperial women to the status of divae may have helped make sense of their very public presence while simultaneously supporting traditional Roman values and the idealized familial piety that could justify one-man rule.

In her detailed study, Ms Tate takes a good look at the abundant archaeological evidence for the prominence of the four divae – statues, coins, inscriptions, and buildings they constructed in Rome – and concludes that the ladies were, in fact, strikingly active in real life. 

Here's what she found.

Four Passive Goddesses?

Pompeia Plotina, Ulpia Marciana, Salonia Matidia, and Vibia Sabina possessed senatorial status by birth and significant personal wealth of their own, the foundations upon which any individual’s claim to status was built in ancient Rome.  All four participated in Roman life as benefactresses and advocates on behalf of their clients, possessed an intricate web of social connections, and were active as leading matrons in both social and religious spheres.   They were substantial property owners, with holdings in Rome, in Italy, and in other parts of the empire.  When you put all the bits of epigraphic and archaeological evidence together, while unique in their relationships with the emperors, you get a strong sense of women who were situated within Rome’s elite as wealthy and independent business women and benefactors.

The 4 public faces

The Trajanic women, alive and dead, were visually celebrated in coinage minted at Rome, and in statuary. And because these females were placed forever in the public gaze through art, just like their male relatives, the images of them that abounded in Rome inevitably became part of their public presence.  

diva Matidia Augusta

None is ever connected on their coinage with 'public' virtues which imply action and authority, but rather with idealized personal virtues like Piety, Peace, Loyalty, and Chastity (a valuable trait in an empress!).  They almost seem to be deified as symbols.  This imaginatively tied them to the traditional past, and reinforced the idea that the emperor and his family stood for all that was truly 'Roman'.

Still, there are hints of something less passive.  The eagle stamped on the reverse of some of Marciana's and Matidia's coins is a bird with strong symbolic connotations in the Roman imperial ethos: not only did the eagle represent the patron god of Rome, Jupiter, but it had close associations with the imperial cult and the eagle as a metaphor for imperial Rome became permanently associated with Rome’s ruling house.  With all the thrills and spills between the early first and early second centuries, this image on divae coins emphasizes the continuance of imperial traditions as well as the connection between deification and Rome as imperial power.

Not just a pretty face

An interesting case in point is Plotina’s  reported manipulation of the imperial succession after Trajan’s sudden death in 117, while he was in Syria, as it reveals some more details concerning the empress’ access to power, and the tensions this inspired. The story goes that Plotina delayed making public the news of Trajan’s death until after Hadrian’s adoption as his successor was affirmed.  One account implies that Plotina engineered Hadrian’s succession, signing the adoption papers herself and delaying news of Trajan’s death until after the papers had been received by the Senate in Rome.** 

Female proximity to imperial power in Rome was always fraught, but Plotina, certainly, was more than just a pretty ornament.

When she died, Hadrian praised her saying: "Though she asked much of me, she was never refused anything.”**

Sometimes, female imperials had ways of smoothing paths and it sometimes happened, too, the other way round: quid pro quo, I'd say.






* 'The deification of imperial women: second-century contexts' (Master's thesis, 2011), available for free download at the usask.ca website.

** Cassius Dio, 69.1.4;  69.10.31.

Sources

In addition to Karin Tate's thesis (above), I have used R.M. Muich, 'The worship of Roman divae: the Julio-Claudians to the Antonines',  M.A., University of Florida, 2004, available for free download at the fcla.edu website.

Illustrations

Top left: bust of Ulpia Marciana. Photo credit:
Ostia, Museo Archeologico.

 Next: statue of Vibia Sabina. Photo credit: Centre for Online Judaic Studies

 Next: bust of Pompeia Plotina. Photo credit"Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (minor), Plotina

Lower left:  posthumous coin of Salonia Matidia . Photo credit: Kaiserfrauen auf Münzen unter Hadrian.
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Zenobia's Blog

In her Fifth Year

On 3 January 2007, Zenobia's blog was born and, in welcoming her, I thought of  the poem by Anne Stevenson, Sylvia Plath, which asks

Poor Sylvia, could you not have been
a little smaller than a queen –
a river, not a tidal wave
engulfing all you tried to save?

This is how I still think of Zenobia and what she tried to do.

I've been writing now for five years about Zenobia and her world -- thinking about Palmyra between West and East, the third century CE, Rome and the Parthians, then the Sasanians, their roiled history, politics, and art. And thinking, always, about the incredible but true story of Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, who united almost the whole of the Eastern Empire under her rule and nearly succeeded in breaking free of Rome.

She will never be, to me, ever, a little smaller than a queen.

Blogging Milestones

Last month, Zenobia's blog passed two milestones:

On 18 December, Zenobia clocked up +10,000 monthly page views (rolling average) for the first time.

And then kept going -- right through Christmas -- beating her own new record every day and then leap-frogging herself to roll up 12,000 page views on three days running. 

As I write, she's hovering just below 11,800 on the monthly rolling average.  It's early yet.  She looks set to celebrate her fifth birthday tonight with +12,000 clicks yet again.  

The intact present, recently unearthed, shakes off the dust of centuries, smiles and suddenly starts to fly....*

My warm thanks to all my readers. 

Have a very Happy 2012.



* Octavio Paz (from his Nobel lecture, 8 December 1990)

Illustration

Palmyran funerary relief.  Bust of 'Herta, daughter of Ogilu, son of Salmôi, wife of Rabel, son of Yarhai Yat' wearing  her best finery (traces of gold paint on the jewellery): two medallions hang from her necklace with miniature busts in high relief of women (?) wearing crowns.  This is quite a statement of status, wealth, and service to the goddesses (?). Photo credit: © The Trustees of the British Museum, 1885,0418.1; BM 125019.
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Whose Christmas Is It Anyway? (Updated)

Two gods were born on 25 December, to wit, Sol, the Invincible Sun (Sol invictus) and the ascendant Christ.

Whose day was it, really?

The 12th century Syriac bishop, Jacob bar-Salibi, had this to say: 

It was a custom of the Pagans to celebrate on the same 25 December the birthday of the Sun, at which they kindled lights in token of festivity. In these solemnities and revelries the Christians also took part. Accordingly when the doctors of the Church perceived that the Christians had a leaning to this festival, they took counsel and resolved that the true Nativity should be solemnised on that day.

What the good bishop imagined was that, during the last years of paganism, the cult of Sol remained so popular that the Church Fathers could only neutralize its celebration on the [traditional] winter solstice of December 25th by setting the birthday of Christ on that very same day.  In other words, they snatched the day and, sooner rather than later, Christ trumped Sol.

The great classical scholar, Franz Cumont, had no doubt that this was what had happened.  In his monumental Mysteries of Mithra, he declared it "certain that the commemoration of the Nativity was set for the 25th of December, because it was at the winter solstice that the rebirth of the invincible god [Sol], the Natalis invicti [birth of the Invincible (Sun)], was celebrated. In adopting this date, which was universally distinguished by sacred festivities, the ecclesiastical authority purified in some measure the profane usages which it could not suppress." (195-196)*

This view is now almost universally accepted; but is it true?

Obviously, we don't really know the date of the birth of Jesus Christ.  The gospels do not say and the early church didn't much care about his physical birth.  Until the Church Fathers got around to settling such questions in the 4th century, there was a grab bag of guesses.  According to St Clement of Alexandria (2nd C):

There are those who have determined [the day] of our Lord’s birth; and they say that it took place in the 28th year of Emperor Augustus, and in the 25th day of [the Egyptian month] Pachon [May 20]... Further, others say that He was born on the 24th or 25th of Pharmuthi [April 20 or 21].

Clement dismissed such dates out of hand.  Instead, his own calculations showed that Christ was born on November 17, in the year 3 BC.  A century later, a  God-inspired theologian announced that Christ, the new "sun of Righteousness", was born on March 28 since the Creation began with the spring equinox (= March 25] and the Sun was created on the fourth day.  So that was that (or so he thought).  Before long, however, another learned priest calculated that the birth date was April 2 in the year 8 AD -- 5500 years to the day after the Creation, as he had worked it out himself.  And then, of course, there were many who celebrated 8 January (Epiphany), still Christmas day in many Orthodox churches.

But no one had yet suggested December 25th. 

It is only with the famous Calendar of Philocalus (a list of the early bishops of Rome and Roman festivals) written in 354 AD  that we find, given for the year 336, December 25: natus Christus in Betleem Judeae, "Christ was born in Bethlehem of Judea".

Flashback to 274 AD and Sol, the Invincible Sun

The Roman cult of Sol existed from the earliest history of the city until at least the time when Christianity became the exclusive State religion (380 AD).  The notion that the sun was divine was in Roman eyes a matter of visible fact rather than faith. As a divinity, the sun was clearly due divine honours.  He had at least four temples in Rome. We know of cult statues, as well as public feasts at one time or another on August 8th, 9th, and 22nd, October 19th - 22nd, and December 11th and December 25th.

The curious thing is that December 25th was the sole festival of Sol to fall on an astronomically significant date.  Obviously the new sun is 'born' on the winter solstice when the days will start to lengthen but what exactly did the pre-Christian Romans celebrate on that date? 



Enter Aurelian, conqueror of Zenobia

Obverse: Radiate bust IMP C AVRELIANVS AVG
Reverse: Sol standing, hand raised in salute, seated bound captives

Although Sol was favoured by emperors before and after Aurelian (r. 270-275 AD), there is no doubt that Aurelian intentionally elevated the sun-god to become one of the top divinities of the empire. Earlier priests of Sol had been generally from the middle ranks of Roman society, simple sacerdotes in a lower class public cult.  Aurelian raised them to the level of pontifices, an office now filled by members of the senatorial elite. To be a priest of Sol was now a top prestige post.

In the year 274, to celebrate his victory over Zenobia, Aurelian inaugurated the festival of the Sun-god in Rome. The god he had in mind was Sol Invictus, "the Unconquered Sun", but the god he had in hand was Bel-Helios of Palmyra. When the emperor had destroyed Zenobia's city the previous year, he despoiled the Temple of Bel: Aurelian, we are told, removed from this temple the statue of Bel-Helios to a new home in Rome.

He built a temple for the god on the eastern Campus Martius, today between the Via del Corso and the Piazza San Silvestro (so Bel may still be lurking under the church of San Silvestro in Capite). Something of this huge temple remained on the site until at least 1629 when Giovanni Battista Mercati made this haunting etching (above left) of its ruins.  The temple incorporated eight splendid porphyry columns most probably transplanted from a temple in Palmyra; three centuries later these were transported by Justinian to Constantinople, to adorn his new church of St Sophia.

Mosaic of Sol in a four-horse chariot

Aurelian established special Games in honour of Sol to be held every four years and kicked off the event with 30 chariot races.  It was widely assumed [and I, too, assumed: see my post on S. Silvestro in Capite] that these games were held on December 25th.  According to the Calendar of Philocalus, 30 chariot races took place on that day to celebrate the Natalis Invicti, that is, the birth of the Invictus (the 'Invincible' [One]).  This feast, then, must have been the festival that the Church fathers wanted to displace with Christmas in their brilliant counter stroke against a dangerous pagan rival.  Besides, there was already a pervasive use of the sun as metaphor for Christ in early Christian writings (e.g. the True Sun, Sun of Justice, etc).   Christ came even closer to Sol with some of his early images resembling those of the Sun-god in his sky chariot (compare Sol above left, with Christ, below left).

It makes perfect sense.  And, nowadays, there is almost unanimous agreement that this is what happened: the church hijacked Sol's birthday.

The problem is: we may have the story backwards. 

So whose Christmas is it?

A recent doctoral dissertation by S.E. Hijmans at the University of Groningen (NL) takes a fresh look at whole kit and caboodle.*  The new Dr Hijmans is the first to have noticed that there is absolutely no evidence to show that the Games of the Sun founded by Aurelian ever took place on December 25th.  On the contrary, no feast day for Sol is mentioned on that day until 80 years later in the Calendar of 354 and, subsequently, in 362 by Julian the Apostate in his Oration to King Helios (the Sun).

In short, while the winter solstice on or around the 25th of December was well established in the Roman imperial calendar, there is no evidence that a religious celebration of Sol on that day antedates the celebration of Christmas, and none that indicates that Aurelian had a hand in its institution.*

In fact, the Calendar lists a festival of Sol that was celebrated in 354 AD from 19-22 October culminating in an unparalleled 36 chariot races (instead of the standard 12 or 24 races at this time) -- an extravagance which seems to suggest not an annual festival but a rarer quadrennial event; thus, these are likely to be the Games dating back to Aurelian.  Those games, first held in 274 AD and then every four years, would indeed have been celebrated in 354 (Philocalus' Calendar) and in 362 (Julian's Oration).  So, if the Christians had wanted to take over Sol's most important festival, that should have been the multi-day games celebrated on 19-22 October.  

But hang on a moment!

The Calendar also says that chariot races were held for the Sun on December 25th -- so which is it?  Well, the calendar doesn't quite say that.  It lists 30 races run that day in honour of Natalis Invicti; that is, the birth of the Invincible (or Unconquered) ....  

Who?

While Invictus is a common epithet for Sol (but not only for Sol), the word is not followed by any name telling whose natalis is being honoured.  Whether celebrating the birth of a god, an emperor, a hero, or even an event, a name is always given -- except this one time.  This is an odd omission for a time-honoured feast. 

Christ as Sol in Mausoleum M in pre-4th C necropolis under St Peter's, Vatican

In other words, the entry for December 25th in the Calendar of 354 may be a later insertion into an existing template for the calendar.  While astronomically important, the date of the winter solstice is never elsewhere associated with the Sun-god.  So one has to wonder if the festival for Sol on 25 December was actually quite new.

There is a real possibility that the day was not dedicated to Sol until after the bishop of Rome first celebrated Christmas on that date in 336 AD -- a pagan reaction to a Christian feast, perhaps, rather than vice versa.

If Sol were the copycat (and not the other way round), this would explain why December 25th was the only festival of Sol to fall on an astronomically significant date.

This doesn't tell us when the Natalis Invicti of December 25th entered the Roman calendar, but it does appear to have overlapped (at least after 336 AD) with the celebration of natus Christus in Betleem Judeae on the same day.  The Church fathers were, of course, aware of the cosmological significance of December 25th as winter solstice.  That alone may have made it the most logical date to serve as the birthdate of Christ.  The sun played a role in the Roman world as a divine cosmic body and Christians could deal with the heavenly body, sol, whose cosmic nature, higher order, and reality was undeniable, without necessarily dealing with the pagan god, Sol.  While they were aware that pagans called this day the birthday of Sol Invictus, this did not concern them and probably did not play any role in their choice of date for Christmas.

At the very least, this new way of looking at the evidence casts doubt on the contention that Christmas was instituted on December 25th in order to counteract a popular pagan religious festival.  Christ didn't have to trump Sol after all.  Sol wasn't even in play.

Enjoy your holidays with a clear conscience.

And Happy New Year to all. 

Updated 22 December 2011

More images of Aurelian's Temple of the Sun in Rome discovered by Roger Pearse (Thoughts on Antiquity).  Not much is left but you get a good idea of its original immensity..

*  S.E. Hijmans, Sol: the Sun in the Art and Religions of Rome, diss. Groningen, 2009; esp. Chapter 9.

Main sources: S.E. Hijmans, Sol: the Sun in the Art and Religions of Rome.  I have also made us of Roger Pearse's posts on Franz Cumont, Mithras and 25 December at Thoughts on Antiquity

Illustrations

Upper left: Silver disc of Sol Invictus. Roman, 3rd century AD. From Pessinus (Bala-Hissar, Asia Minor). British Museum GR 1899.12-1.2,  Photo credit: Jastrow via Wikipedia

Left: Bronze figure of Sun-god, Roman, 3rd century AD.  Photo credit: © The Trustees of the British Museum,  GR 1865,0712.17

Centre: gold coin (aureus) of Aurelian.  Photo credit: Tataryn77 via Wikipedia

Below left:  Etching by Giovanni Battista Mercati of the ruins of Aurelian's Temple of the Sun in 1629, from the series Some Views and Perspectives of the Uninhabited Places of Rome. Photo: The Amica Libary

Lower left:  Sol in a 4-horse chariot (quadriga), Roman mosaic in Bonn Rheinisches Landes Museum.  Photo credit: petrus agricola.flickriver

Lowest left:  Mosaic of  or Apollo-Helios Detail of vault mosaic of Christ as Sol in the Mausoleum of the Julii. From the Mid-late 3rd century necropolis under St. Peter's in the Vatican.  Photo credit: Leinad-Z via Wikipedia
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